On the Authenticity of Educational Credentials from the
Kurdish Autonomous Zone in Northern Iraq
On the Authenticity of Educational Credentials from the
Kurdish Autonomous Zone in Northern Iraq
by Herman de Leeuw
Informatie Beheer Groep
Netherlands
2002
This
article deals with the authenticity of educational credentials from the
Kurdish autonomous zone in Northern Iraq. First published in Dutch, in the
Newsletter of the Department for International Credential Evaluation of
Nuffic (the Netherlands Organisation for International Cooperation in
Higher Education), it was originally concerned mainly with findings and
procedures in the Netherlands. Since then, the author got access to a
number of websites connected with the Kurdish autonomous zone in Iraq. The
information from these websites has been worked into this English
translation which is thus an updated, expanded version of the original
Dutch text.
From 1992 onwards, credentials start to appear
from the Kurdish autonomous zone that are issued by bodies such as the
‘Kurdestan Ministerial Council’. Due to the unstable political situation
in the area, it is impossible to know how reliable the organisations and
the documents that they issue are. The situation is further complicated by
the fact that the control over the educational system appears to be very
fluid. For our purpose, the main question to be answered is where the
right to grant degrees is vested. Going by the credentials themselves, one
gets the impression that degrees are not only awarded by the ‘Kurdestan
Ministerial Council’ but also by the institutions themselves and even by
the central Iraqi government – which lost control over the system since
1992.
What follows
here is a short overview of the recent history of the area in order to
gain a better understanding of the situation, followed by a discussion of
the problem of the authenticity of credentials from the area.
Since the operation ‘Desert Storm’, the Iraqi central government
lost control over Northern Iraq (as it did over Southern Iraq). The
Northern area, that is, the area above the 36th Northern
latitude serves since 1992 as ‘safe haven’ for the Kurdish population. The
safe haven is a ‘no fly zone’ which is controlled by the British and US
Air Forces from the air base Incirlik in South Eastern Turkey.
This area is
here indicated as the Kurdish autonomous zone in Northern Iraq. Since the
creation of the safe haven, the area enjoys a certain measure of de
facto autonomy.
The first
step towards that autonomy were the parliamentary elections in May 1992.
These elections ended more or less in a stalemate, since the two biggest
Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic
Union of Kurdistan (PUK) came out of these elections with more or less
equal votes. They dominated the 105 seat parliament, where KDP and PUK
held 51 and 49 seats. As none of the parties could accept a one party
government, the only workable alternative seemed to be a coalition, by
which each minister from one party was to be flanked by a vice-minister
from the other party. This balance of power frustrated the working of the
first two cabinets. The first cabinet was installed in July 1992 but did
not live long. A new cabinet was formed already in April 1993. Like its
predecessor, the second cabinet stumbled over the rivalries between the 2
biggest parties. The Kurdish Regional Government summarizes this period as
follows: ‘An unworkable formula for sharing power between the KDP and PUK,
party politics, and internecine fighting disrupted and ultimately
incapacitated these two cabinets’. Armed conflict broke out in 1994. In
September 1996, the third cabinet, the so-called ‘Service Offering
Cabinet’ was installed. This label is somehow indicative of the functions
allotted to the government, which do not seem to have gone much beyond the
rendering of public services, with PUK and KDP holding on to their
administrative units within their powerbases. In 1997, PUK and KDP agreed
to a cease fire, followed by a peace agreement under the aegis of the
United States. Since then, the situation seems to have stabilized.
Elections are due since 1999 but so far have not been held.
At this
moment, the KDP roughly controls the northern part of the autonomous zone
(governorates Dohuk and Erbil) running up to the frontier with Iran, with
Erbil (in Kurdish: Hawlir) as capital.
The PUK
controls the southern part of the autonomous zone (governorate
Sulaimaniyya plus part of the governorate of Kirkuk), with Sulaimaniyya as
capital.
Despite the
gradual normalization of the situation in the Kurdish autonomous zone,
Iraqi Kurds still turn up in great numbers as refugees in Europe, the
United States, Canada and Australia. This mass emigration poses problems,
both in the Kurdish autonomous zone and in the guest countries. The web
site of the PUK contains a document ‘Kurdish Migration from Iraqi
Kurdistan – Reasons and Solutions’ in which the PUK expresses its great
concern about this situation as follows: ‘Neither the nations of Europe
nor the Kurdish regional authority derives any benefit from this often
illegal human traffic. Europe must bear an inordinate financial and social
cost for the corrupt governance of the government in Baghdad. The Kurdish
leadership recognizes that the conditions under which many of its people
live are not ideal but the drain of talented human resources from Iraqi
Kurdistan is detrimental to the current and future generations of Kurds.’
The document
then proceeds to offer a number of solutions. One of these is offering
scholarships to Kurdish students. In the words of the PUK document, this
would create a legal channel through which Kurds can realize some of their
objectives.’ It is evident that European or US initiatives in this
direction would be warmly welcomed by Kurdish students, but for the time
being, many if not most Iraqi Kurdish refugees lack the legal channels to
realize their objectives. We’ll now focus our attention on the educational
administration in the area.
The
educational system of course also felt the impact of the events of the
last two decades. First of all, a ministry of education had to be
established. This happened in 1992. The first cabinet consisted of 15
ministers, among which a Minister of Education, not including higher
education. According to article 10 of Law no. 3 of 1992, higher education
and research would be addressed by a ‘special corporation associated with
the board of the presidency’.
As appears
from a presidential decree of 1998, this special corporation for higher
education and research forms the fourth department of the ‘Divan of the
Cabinet Presidency’. The fourth department deals with the general
administration of higher education, which is divided in two
administrations: the Central Admission Administration and the Higher
Education & Educational Relations Administration. The inspection of
higher education is carried out by the Inspection Committee, a subdivision
of the ‘Department for the General Administration of Planning’ which
likewise falls under the ‘Divan of the Cabinet Presidency’
This meant a
break with the former system of the central Iraqi government, which always
had 2 separate Ministries, one for Education, the other for Higher
Education and Research. The Technical Institutes, which used to fall under
the control of the central Iraqi ‘Foundation of Technical Institutes’ now
fall under the ‘Commission of Technical Institutes’
On paper, the
situation seems clear enough. Actual practice, however, does not seem to
reflect the system delineated in the presidential decrees and legislation
cited above. Educational credentials from the region show a sometimes
bewildering variety in the make-up and lay out of stationery. Worse still
is the confusion surrounding the responsibility for the issuing of
credentials. Thus, documents granted since 1992 may have been issued by
either the institution itself, by the Ministry of Education of the Kurdish
Regional Government, by the Ministers’ Council of the Kurdish Regional
Government, by the Ministry of Education of the Central Iraqi government
or its Ministry of Higher Education and Research – notwithstanding the
fact that the latter two might effectively have lost already the power to
issue credentials from the Kurdish autonomous zone.
The problems
one encounters with educational credentials resemble the problems one
encounters with ID cards, passports etc. from the area. A recent country
update of the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs is quite outspoken
on this topic:
‘In Northern
Iraq, the issuing of official documents, including passports, is
problematic and not controlled by the central government. Every passport,
falsified or authentic, has therefore a limited value. If a person from
the area uses a non-authentic document, this does not mean that the
identity of the bearer is not correct. As falsified and authentic
documents can both be easily procured in Northern Iraq, authentic
documents from the area therefore do not guarantee the identity of the
bearer. It is virtually impossible to have passports from the area
verified or even legalized.’
What is clear
from the foregoing is that passports and other documents from Northern
Iraq can not be safely used to establish the identity of refugees from the
area. This point was discussed at length in the 1999 news letter of the
Netherlands association for assistance to refugees (the Vereniging
Vluchtelingenwerk Nederland). In this article, the findings of the
Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs are acknowledged, that is,
passports and other official documents from Northern Iraq are also
questionable documents in the opinion of the Vereniging Vluchtelingwerk
Nederland. The article then continues by arguing that since the identity
of Iraqi Kurdish refugees can not be established by means of passports or
similar official documents, it is impossible to establish their identity
at all –which is required from the Ministry of Justice as it can only
start procedures against persons when the identity is established.
In the same
article, a second country update from the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign
Affairs is cited. That country update contains a passage on the wide
spread practice of selling falsified or authentic documents in Central
Iraq, by government officials. This passage can be easily applied to
Northern Iraq as well:
‘Bribery is
the usual way to obtain documents from civil administration officials. Any
document can be had at the right price, complete with authentic data such
as reference numbers etc. and photographs. Persons that have no legal
right to such documents find no difficulty in obtaining them. It is also
perfectly possible to obtain blank official stationery by bribing
officials. Such documents, obtained by bribery, with or without authentic
data and photographs can not be distinguished from real, authentic
documents that have been legally obtained.’
The country
update continues by pointing out that documents are not only sold inside
Iraq but outside the country as well, particularly in Turkey, Syria and
Jordan. In Amman, police is said to have arrested several traders in
fraudulent documents (including, e.g., UN-identity cards) recently in a
number of raids. These traders apparently carried out their trade in the
immediate neighborhood of the Hashmet square in Amman.
Assuming no
real difference between the conditions under which educational credentials
can be obtained and the way passports are obtained, the value and
authenticity of educational credentials may be just as limited as the
value and authenticity of passports. Besides, verification of educational
credentials is virtually impossible, as is the case with passports. One is
confronted here with the same problems as the problem of establishing the
identity on the basis of Iraqi passports, that is, authentic passports may
be carried be persons that have no legal right to the documents, while
false documents can be carried by persons that do have a right but have no
other proof than a falsification. Interestingly, the fingerprints of Iraqi
asylum seekers in the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden have recently been
subject to a comparative research. According to this research, the
fingerprints of some 30 to 40% of the Iraqi asylum seekers that applied
for asylum in the Nordic countries were already on file in the Netherlands
(and vice versa) – meaning there had been an earlier application in one of
the other countries, under different names . The impression one
gets from the credentials that were offered for evaluation over the last
2, 3 years in the Netherlands is one of a considerable growth in the
number of falsifications. Incidentally, many Iraqi’s actually acknowledge
the existence of the trade in false documents, invariably adding of course
that it’s other Iraqi’s that do use them.
Given all the
considerations of the foregoing, it is extremely hard to decide how to
proceed when documents seem false. The least one can do is pay more than
fleeting attention to the files that are presented by applicants, never
accept anything other than originals (no photocopies, even if the be
legalized copies), and make sure to invite each applicant for an
[intensive] interview prior to taking decisions.
For the sake of completeness, we add a list of the universities and technical institutes in Iraqi Kurdistan:
University of Salahaddin in Erbil (Hawlir)
University of Sulaimaniyya in Sulaimaniyya
University of Dohuk, in Dohuk
Institutes of Arts and Technical Institutes in Aski-Kelek, Erbil, Namrud and Sulaimaniyya